Jual rumah di bogor

Rp 4.855.000.000

Harga Rumah Idaman 2016 Murah Depok RumahCantikku.com adalah agen properti yang berkator di KATV Group, Saladin Square B-12, Jl. Margonda Raya No.39, Depok, Jawa Barat. KATV Group adalah group usaha di baah bendera PT Kiprah Tiga Rancang (KITIRAN), dimana core bisnisnya adalah Pengelolaan dan Advertising KATV (Televisi Kabel Kereta Api Eksekutif ), yaitu televisi hiburan bagi penumpang di atas kereta api eksekutif. Selain itu KITIRAN juga bergerak di bidang advertising untuk promosi luar ruang khusus stasiun-stadiuan dan promsoi di dalam kereta eksekutif dan kereta komuter (KRL). Harga Rumah Idaman 2016 Murah Depok

Harga Rumah Idaman 2016 Murah Depok salah satu devisi dari KATV Group untuk yang bergerak di bidang agen properti. Saat ini baru menawarkan properti-properti KATV Group yang ada di beberapa kota untuk dijual. Jadi properti yang ditawarkan adalah milik sendiri. Harga Rumah Idaman 2016 Murah Depok

Harga Rumah Idaman 2016 Murah Depok

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) terus akan mengusut pihak-pihak yang diduga telah terlibat dalam kasus du

saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) terus akan mengusut pihak-pihak yang diduga telah terlibat dalam kasus dugaan suap penanganan perkara pemalsuan sertifikat tanah di Pengadilan Negeri Praya, Kabupaten Lombok Tengah. Tidak tanggung-tanggung, hari ini lembaga antikorupsi itu akan memeriksa tujuh saksi dari kalangan penegak hukum di Kabupaten Lombok Tengah.

Saksi-saksi itu di antaranya tiga hakim Pengadilan Negeri Praya, yakni Dewi Santini, Desak Ketut Yuni Aryanti, dan Sumedi. Sumedi adalah Ketua PN Praya. Saksi lainnya adalah dari pihak kejaksaan yakni Kepala Seksi Pidana Khusus Kejaksaan Negeri Praya Apriyanto Kurniawan.

Tiga saksi terakhir berasal dari Kepolisian. Yaitu Kepala Kepolisian Resor Lombok Tengah AKBP Suproyadi, Kepala Satuan Reserse Kriminal Polres Lombok Tengah, Iptu Deny Septiawan, dan Kepala Kepolisian Sektor Praya Barat, Kompol H Ridwan.

"Tujuh saksi itu akan diperiksa untuk tersangka SUB dan LAR," tulis Kepala Pemberitaan dan Publikasi KPK, Priharsa Nugraha, melalui pesan singkat, Senin (23/12).

KPK juga sudah menetapkan dua tersangka dalam kasus ini. Mereka adalah SUB dan LAR. SUB adalah Kepala Kejaksaan Negeri Praya, Subri SH. Sementara LAR adalah Direktur PT Pantai Aan, Lusita Anie Razak. Diduga masih ada pihak lain yang ikut terlibat dalam perkara ini.

LAR dan kawan-kawan telah disangkakan Pasal 5 ayat 1 huruf a atau b atau Pasal 13 UU No. 13 Tahun 1999 sebagaimana yang diubah UU No. 20 Tahun 2001 jo Pasal 55 ayat 1 ke-1 KUHPidana. Sementara SUB dan kawan-kawan yang diduga telah melanggar Pasal 12 huruf a atau b atau Pasal 5 ayat 2 Pasal 11 UU No. 13 Tahun 1999 sebagaimana yang diubah UU No. 20 Tahun 2001 jo Pasal 55 ayat 1 ke-1 KUHP.

Kasus ini juga telah menyeret mantan Ketua Dewan Pengarah Badan Pemenangan Pemilu Partai Hanura, Bambang Wiratmaji Soeharto. Ketua Kesatuan Organisasi Serbaguna Gotong Royong itu juga diketahui sebagai pemilik PT Pantai Aan. Perusahaan itu disebut akan membangun fasilitas penginapan di Lombok Tengah. Tetapi, tanah yang mereka incar sedang dalam sengketa.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

saco-indonesia.com, Menganggap penggunaan bahasa asing sudah sering digunakan, Budi Doremi telah memilih bahasa ibunya untuk sin

saco-indonesia.com, Menganggap penggunaan bahasa asing sudah sering digunakan, Budi Doremi telah memilih bahasa ibunya untuk single terbaru. Lagu itu ia beri judul

Hati Ku Telah Dijelep-jelepin Kamu.

"Judul single Hati Ku Telah Di jelep-jelepin kamu. Kalau aku import produk Bahasa Inggris yang keren-keren itu juga sudah biasa," kata Budi di Kawasan SCBD, Jakarta Selatan, Rabu (5/2) kemarin.

Budi juga mengaku bangga dengan menggunakan bahasa ibunya. Begitu juga dengan pemilihan musik melayu, pop, dan latin yang diracik menjadi satu di lagu tersebut.

"Aku lebih bangga dengan bahasa ibuku sendiri yang sebetulnya banyak orang salah persepsi tentang musik melayu. Aku gabungkan musik melayu dengan pop dan latin," paparnya.

Dilanjutkan Budi, lagu Hati Ku Telah Dijelep-jelepin Kamu bercerita tentang

keberanian dalam menyatakan perasaan secara langsung kepada orang yang dicintai.

"Itu lagu keberanian bagaimana kita bilang rasa cinta di depan orang yang kita cintai di depan mata kita," ujar Budi.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Mr. Haroche was a founder of Liberty Travel, which grew from a two-man operation to the largest leisure travel operation in the United States.

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