jual ruko

Rp 1.820.000.000

Harga Rumah Impian Paling Murah RumahCantikku.com adalah agen properti yang berkator di KATV Group, Saladin Square B-12, Jl. Margonda Raya No.39, Depok, Jawa Barat. KATV Group adalah group usaha di baah bendera PT Kiprah Tiga Rancang (KITIRAN), dimana core bisnisnya adalah Pengelolaan dan Advertising KATV (Televisi Kabel Kereta Api Eksekutif ), yaitu televisi hiburan bagi penumpang di atas kereta api eksekutif. Selain itu KITIRAN juga bergerak di bidang advertising untuk promosi luar ruang khusus stasiun-stadiuan dan promsoi di dalam kereta eksekutif dan kereta komuter (KRL). Harga Rumah Impian Paling Murah

Harga Rumah Impian Paling Murah salah satu devisi dari KATV Group untuk yang bergerak di bidang agen properti. Saat ini baru menawarkan properti-properti KATV Group yang ada di beberapa kota untuk dijual. Jadi properti yang ditawarkan adalah milik sendiri. Harga Rumah Impian Paling Murah

Harga Rumah Impian Paling Murah

Di Kota Palembang, Sumatera Selatan, pindang ikan patin menjadi kuliner pilihan selain empek-empek dan tekwan.

PALEMBANG, Saco-Indonesia.com - Di Kota Palembang, Sumatera Selatan, pindang ikan patin menjadi kuliner pilihan selain empek-empek dan tekwan. Rasa pedas, asam, dan manis menyatu bersama ikan pantin yang montok.

Ada beberapa tempat pindang ikan patin yang terkenal di Palembang, dua di antaranya di Rumah Makan Pindang Musi Rawas, Jalan Angkatan 45 No 18, dan di Rumah Makan Sri Melayu, Jalan Demang Lebar Daun. Masing-masing memiliki kelebihan, tergantung selera lidah penikmatnya.

Kompas.com sempat makan di dua tempat tersebut. Pertama di RM Sri Melayu. Tempat ini cukup terkenal bagi pengunjung Kota Pelambang yang berasal dari luar kota. Tempatnya luas dan nyaman.

Ketika tiba, pengunjung bisa langsung duduk di meja, atau lesehan. Tidak perlu mengantre sama sekali. Selanjutnya, pelayan restoran akan langsung melayani pesanan Anda. Jangan sungkan untuk bertanya menu andalan di rumah makan ini.

Ada lima menu andalan di sini, yakni pindang ikan patin, pindang tulang (pindang iga sapi), pindang bawung, pindang salai dan pindang udang. Enaknya, jika sudah terlalu lapar, makanan pesanan cepat tersaji alias tidak pakai lama.

Setelah memesan makanan utama, meja akan dipenuhi dengan makanan yang otomatis langsung disajikan. Nasi panas dari bakul yang masih asapnya masih mengepul, lalapan yang terdiri dari terong bulat, kacang panjang, wortel, timun, daun kemangi dan potongan labu.

Selain itu ada ikan seluang, yang merupakan khas Sungai Musi, yang digoreng kering. Ikan ini seperti ikan teri yang berukuran besar, hanya saja tidak diolah asin. Ada juga pepes patin goreng, bedug (bentuknya seperti pemukul bedug) yang terbuat dari campuran daging ikan gabus dan pepaya muda, sambal hati udang, tempoyak (duren mentah yang difermentasikan dan dicampur cabe merah dibungkus daun pisang kemudian dipepes), serta sambal.

Tak lama, muncul menu utama yang sudah dipesan, yakni pindang. Pindang ikan patin yang panas sangat menggugah selera. Warnanya segar, terdapat potongan cabe, daun kemangi, serta irisan nanas menyatu bersama potongan ikan patin dan kuahnya yang merah. Rasanya... segar dan pas.

Sementara pindang tulang, hampir mirip dengan sop iga. Hanya saja, kuahnya kental dan tidak pelit bumbu. Terdapat potongan tomat dan cabe rawit di dalam kuahnya.

Pindang bawung, yang satu ini sangat jarang dapat disajikan. Termasuk beruntung jika pengunjung bisa memesannya karena langkanya ikan bawung. Sementara pindang salai harus menunggu 10 menit untuk penyajiannya. Sebab, ikannya harus diasap terlebih dulu.

Dilihat dari tempat dan makanannya, jangan dibayangkan makan di tempat ini mahal. Kisaran harga makanannya antara Rp 15.000 hingga Rp 70.000.

Di lain hari, jajal juga makan pindang patin di Pindang Musi Rawas. Dengan tempat yang terbatas, sekitar 10 hingga 15 meja, pengunjung harus rela mengantre. Apalagi di saat jam makan siang. Antrean bisa mencapai belasan.

Setiap yang antre akan mendapat nomor, sehingga tidak ada saling serobot. Menu andalannya sama dengan di Rumah Makan Sri Melayu, masakan serba pindang. Hanya saja, rasanya yang berbeda. Namun kembali lagi, semua tergantung selera lidah penikmatnya. Jika suka bumbu yang ringan, di Musi Rawas tepatnya. Jika suka spicy, Sri Melayu pilihan yang tepat.

Editor:Liwon Maulana

Sumber:Kompas.com

 

   
   
   
 

saco-indonesia.com, Layla Eshki (33), tak kuasa menahan decak kagumnya ketika mengamati gaun putih bermotif abstrak di bagian ujung yang dikenakan salah satu pemenang World Muslimah Beauty 2012, Deanita.

JEDDAH, Saco-Indonesia.com — Layla Eshki (33), tak kuasa menahan decak kagumnya ketika mengamati gaun putih bermotif abstrak di bagian ujung yang dikenakan salah satu pemenang World Muslimah Beauty 2012, Deanita. Ketika itu, para pemenang WMB 2012 tengah bertemu masyarakat Indonesia di Jeddah dan warga Arab untuk mengenalkan ajang pencarian duta Muslimah inspiratif itu di Jeddah, Jumat (31/5/2013) lalu.

"It's beautiful! I never seen hijab like this in here," tukas Lyla sambil berkali-kali menyentuh pakaian muslim dari rumah busana Mumtaaz itu.

Lyla bercerita bahwa di Arab Saudi, para perempuan hanya terpaku pada sebuah baju muslim dengan warna hitam. "Di sini, semuanya hitam. Tak ada warna-warna cantik seperti ini," tutur perempuan yang bekerja sebagai fotografer lepas itu.

Hampir seluruh toko, cerita Lyla, menjual jubah dengan warna hitam di tokonya. Jubah yang dikenal dengan sebutan abayya itu biasa dikenakan perempuan Arab sebagai baju pelapis mana kala pergi ke luar rumah. Lyla mengaku bosan melihat pakaian yang itu-itu saja di negaranya.

"Yang saya tahu Islam itu tidak hanya hitam. Islam itu tidak membosankan, makanya saya pun pakai abayya dengan warna- warna cerah, meski hal ini tidak lazim di sini," kata Lyla.

Lyla melihat tampilan busana muslim karya para desainer dari Mumtaaz bisa menjadi salah satu panduan bagi perempuan Arab untuk berbusana muslim. Pasalnya, lanjut Lyla, kini perempuan Arab —khususnya di Jeddah— banyak yang terjebak dengan busana muslim yang tidak Islami.

"Mereka mengenakan celana jeans ketat sampai terlihat g-string, atau menggunakan baju ketat sampai terlihat belahan dadanya. Jelas ini sudah salah mode," tuturnya.

Menurut Lyla, kesalahan mode itu lebih banyak terjadi di Jeddah. Sementara di Mekkah dan Madinah, hal tersebut tidak terjadi karena kedua kota itu adalah kota suci bagi umat Islam. Di Mekkah dan Madinah, aku Lyla, cara berpakaian perempuan sangat diatur secara ketat, berbeda halnya dengan di Jeddah.

Manajer Operasional Mumtaz Boutique, Surya Artaty, menjelaskan bahwa pemilihan baju-baju yang dikenakan para pemenang WMB benar-benar dipilih secara selektif. Pasalnya, pada sesi pemotretan kali ini, para pemenang WMB dituntut untuk lebih menekankan busana muslim yang syar'i. Busana muslim syar'i yakni yang menutup aurat, tidak menunjukkan lekuk tubuh, dan kerudung menutup hingga bagian dada.

"Untuk membuat busana muslim yang syar'i ini kami tidak memiliki tema khusus yang diangkat karena setiap desainer yang bergabung dengan kami memiliki ciri khasnya masing-masing," imbuh Taty.

Setidaknya ada 20 pakaian yang dikenakan para peserta WMB selama di Arab Saudi. Seluruh pakaian muslim itu merupakan karya dari Malik Moestaram, Dian Pelangi, Shebe, Adhy - Alie, Sascha, Astrie, Zebu, Jenahara, Nuniek Mawardi, Bilqis, dan Lia Afif.

World Moslem Beauty merupakan ajang pencarian duta Muslimah inspiratif sedunia yang diselenggarakan oleh World Moslem Beauty Foundation. WMB merupakan acara tahunan yang dilakukan sejak tahun 2011. Tahun ini, WMB mengubah namanya menjadi Annual Award of World Muslimah.

Perjalanan ibadah umrah ke Arab Saudi merupakan hadiah bagi para pemenang WMB 2012, sekaligus untuk mempromosikan kompetisi tersebut ke dunia. Ada tujuh pemenang yang mengikuti perjalanan ini, yaitu Nina Septiani (Juara I), Dwi Handayani Putri (Juara II), Anggun Hiasyah (Juara III), Tasya Gunoto (The Most Innovative Muslimah), Rizkitha (The Best Video and Al Quran Recitation by Polling), Al Khansa (The Most Talented Muslimah), dan Dheanita Tribuana (The Favorite by Polling).

 

Editor :Liwon Maulana(galipat)
Sumber:http://female.kompas.com/read/2013/06/04/10052199/Perempuan.Arab.Terpana.Melihat.Bu sana.Muslim.Indonesia

With 12 tournament victories in his career, Mr. Peete was the most successful black professional golfer before Tiger Woods.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

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