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Selama ini minyak ikan sudah telah diketahui baik untuk kesehatan otak. Namun sebuah penelitian terbaru yang dipublikasikan Januari 2014 kemarin telah mengungkap bahwa minyak ikan tak hanya menyehatkan otak tetapi juga mencegah terjadinya penciutan volume otak.

Selama ini minyak ikan sudah telah diketahui baik untuk kesehatan otak. Namun sebuah penelitian terbaru yang dipublikasikan Januari 2014 kemarin telah mengungkap bahwa minyak ikan tak hanya menyehatkan otak tetapi juga mencegah terjadinya penciutan volume otak.

Ketika usia bertambah, volume otak biasanya akan menciut. Namun penciutan otak juga bisa menandakan penyakit yang berkaitan dengan kesehatan mental, atau penyakit otak seperti Alzheimer dan lainnya. Dengan begitu hasil penelitian ini telah menunjukkan harapan bahwa minyak ikan juga bisa mencegah penciutan otak terkait penyakit tersebut.

Hasil ini telah didapatkan peneliti setelah melakukan penelitian selama delapan tahun. Mereka telah melakukan scan MRI pada 1.111 wanita yang sudah lanjut usia. Selain itu peneliti juga mengukur jumlah asam lemak omega-3 pada sel darah merah mereka. Setelah delapan tahun, peneliti kemudian mengukur volume otak partisipan yang sudah berusia 78 tahun.

Mereka juga menemukan bahwa wanita yang telah memiliki tingkat omega-3 tinggi juga memiliki volume otak yang lebih besar setelah delapan tahun. Tingkat asam lemak omega-3 yang tinggi bisa didapatkan melalui diet atau suplemen. Efeknya dalam beberapa waktu bisa mencegah kematian beberapa sel otak yang disebabkan usia, ungkap ketua peneliti James V Pottala.

Selain itu, penelitian lain juga telah menunjukkan bahwa mengonsumsi banyak asam lemak omega tiga berkaitan dengan volume hippocampus otak yang lebih besar hingga 2,7 persen. Bagian otak tersebut berkaitan dengan kemampuan seseorang mengingat.

Asam lemak omega-3 banyak didapatkan dari minyak ikan. Jadi jangan ragu untuk mengonsumsi suplemen atau minyak ikan untuk dapat memenuhi asupan omega-3 dan mencegah penciutan pada otak Anda.

Pengecatan yang baik telah membutuhkan persiapan-persiapan yang matang. Persiapan yang benar akan dapat membuat pekerjaan pengec

Pengecatan yang baik telah membutuhkan persiapan-persiapan yang matang. Persiapan yang benar akan dapat membuat pekerjaan pengecatan lebih capat, mudah, dan biaya rendah, selain memberikan hasil akhir yang baik juga lapisan cat lebih tahan lama, selain pemilihan produk yang tepat.

Ada beberapa hal yang telah mempengaruhi keberhasilan pengecatan dinding tembok (bata), yang paling berpengaruh adalah kualitas atau mutu dinding itu sendiri (terlepas dari kualitas cat yang dipakai). Masalah yang sering timbul akibat dari kualitas dinding yang jelek biasanya adalah belang-belang seperti basah (bila kadar air dalam dinding terlalu tinggi), lapisan cat yang menggelembung, dll.

Sedangkan bila yang dipakai cat dinding dengan kualitas rendah maka masalah yang sering terjadi adalah pengapuran, warnanya luntur, dll. Bagaimana kita tahu cat yang kita pakai tersebut berkualitas?. Cat yang berkualitas minimal telah mempunyai empat fungsi yang harus dimiliki diantaranya daya sebar, daya tutup, mudah dalam pengaplikasiannya, dan aman bagi kesehatan lingkungan. Memang semakin tinggi kualitas cat, maka harganya pun juga akan semakin mahal, karena disamping keempat hal pokok diatas, cat yang berkualitas akan dapat memiliki nilai tambah seperti daya tahan terhadap cuaca, anti jamur, tidak memudar (anti fading), mudah dibersihkan (washable), dapat menutup retak rambut (cover hair line crack) serta tambahan pengharum (fragnance).

PROSES PERSIAPAN DINDING

Yang harus di lakukan untuk dapat memulai proses pengecetan adalah menyiapkan permukaan yang akan dicat. Pastikan permukaan dinding bersih dan kering untuk dapat mencegah terjadinya pengelupasan. Biasanya memakan waktu 28 hari agar reaksi pengerasan semen pada plesteran beton mengering dengan sempurna.

Setelah permukaan tembok sudah benar-benar kering, dan sebelum tembok di plamir, lapisi dulu tembok dengan Wall Sealer, guna untuk menetralisir PH semen agar sesuai dengan PH cat. Dengan wall sealer Cat tidak mudah mengelupas dan warna cat tidak akan berubah dari warna aslinya.Cat akan menjadi seperti kapur jika daya serap tembok masih bekerja, untuk itu tembok juga harus dilapisi dengan Wall Sealer, namun jika untuk alasan ekonomis anda dapat melarutkan satu sampai dua bungkus lem putih dalam satu galon air kemudian kuaskan pada tembok sebelum tembok di cat.

PROSES PLAMIR DAN CAT DASAR
Sebelum pengecatan dilakukan ada pekerjaan pendahuluan yaitu plamir dinding. Plamir dinding terdiri dari 3 bagian bahan, yang pertama adalah semen putih, lem putih, dan kalsium. Semua bahan tersebut telah mempunyai fungsi masing - masing.
Penggunaan kalium pada bahan plamir berfungsi sebagai penambah volum dari plamir dan memudahkan penghalusan, namun apabila terlalu banyak justru akan dapat menyebabkan cat yang nanti kita kerjakan menjadi kurang kuat. Sebagian kontraktor bangunan sudah tidak menggunakan kalium sebagai campuran plamir, kecuali pada pekerjaan yang memerlukan harga sangat hemat dan waktu penyelesaian yang relatif cepat.
Teknik melamir yang efektif adalah dengan menggunakan kapi besar atau bahan bekas dari pipa pvc yang dibuat kapi. Dengan mengoleskan pada arah vertikal di dinding kemudian untuk lapis selanjutnya pada arah horisontal, demikian seterusnya sampai dinding menjadi rata. Lapisan yang kedua haruslah menunggu lapisan yang pertama kering dahulu.
Penghalusan menggunakan amplas dengan arah memutar. Alat penghalus otomatis sebaik digunakan agar lebih cepat dalam pengerjaannya.
Setelah diplamir, dilakukan Pelapisan cat dasar atau alkali sealer. Sebelum dilakukan pengecatan dengan cat tembok aplikasikan terlebih dahulu cat dasar alkali sealer, yang berfungsi untuk memberikan lapisan dibawah cat tembok sehingga memperkecil kontak langsung dengan alkali tembok. Selain itu alkali sealer berfungsi memberikan lapisan warna putih sehingga dapat mempercepat penutupan warna cat tembok pada dinding. Alkali sealer berbeda dengan cat putih. Penggunaan cat putih sebagai dasaran pengecatan tidak akan menghindari kontak langsung alkali tembok dengan cat, tetapi hanya berfungsi membantu daya tutup cat tembok saja.


PROSES PENGECATAN DINDING
Proses pengecatan dinding dimulai ketika semua permukaan dinding telah terplamir , sudah dalam keadaan halus teramplas, dan sudah dilapisi dengan cat dasar.

Penggunaan rol memang sangat efektif ketika kita mengecat pada pada bidang dinding yang luas, namun apabila hendak merapikan pada sudut-sudut ruang tetaplah kuas yang digunakan. Sebenarnya dengan menggunakan kuas cat akan lebih terasa hemat karena tidak terlalu banyak yang lengket pada rol kita. Untuk hasil yang sempurna cat tembok jangan terlalu kental, encerkan dengan air 30-35 persen dari total berat cat.

Lapis demi lapis kita cat, cara yang paling cepat agar dinding lekas tertutup rata oleh cat adalah dengan cara bersilangan. Lapisan pertama vertikal atau horisontal, kemudian tunggu kering, lapisan yang kedua kebalikannya.Selang waktu antara setiap lapis harus cukup lama. Secara teoritis adalah 2-4 jam, tetap sebaikny minimal 8 jam atau semalam.

TIPS DAN TRIK DALAM PENGECATAN
1.      Kerjakan pengecatan pada siang hari.
2.      Mulai dari dekat jendela. menuju ke ruang dalam.
3.      Bila mengecat seluruh ruangan, kerjakanlah mulai dari langit-langit yang diteruskan ke dinding dekat kusen jendela, pintu-pintu, dan kemudian ke bagian bawah.
4.      Mengecat tiga lapis sesuai dengan anjuran pencampuran air lebih baik dari pada satu lapisan tebal, usahakan menyediakan cat yang cukup unluk area yang akan dicat dengan menghitung iuas area yang akan dicat, jangan mengecat pada suatu bidang yang lebar sekaligus. Batasi bidang pengecafan aniara satu sampai dua meter persegi sekali mengecat. Baru dilanjuttkan ke bidang berikutnya, Perhatikanlah petunjuk-petunjuk mudah pada kemasan cat sebelum bekerja.
5.      Lakukanlah pembuangan sisa saat melakukan pengecatan karena kita harus bertanggung jawab terhadap lingkungan dengan menghindarkan membuang limbah/sisa cat ke dalam saluran pembuangan.
6.      Terakhir adalah membiarkan sisa cat mengering di wadahnya sebelum dibuang ke tempat sampah.

Dengan mengikuti petunjuk-petunjuk sederhana tersebut pengecatan akan lebih mudah, menghemat waktu, uang dan tenaga. Karena, persiapan permukaan yang benar akan memberikan hasil akhir yang lebih baik dan perrnukaan yang dicatakan lebih tahan lama, jangan mencoba untuk mengecat satu lapisan dengan tebal.
 
Trik Penggunaan Aci Instan pengganti plamir dan cat dasar

Mengerjakan finishing din-ding semakin mudah dan cepat dengan aci instan. Warnanya yang putih dapat menggantikan dua proses finishing dinding.

Mari kita hitung berapa tahap dibutuhkan sebelum mengecat dinding. Setelah plesteran, dinding mesti diaci. Setelah itu diplamir dan diampelas agar permukaannya halus. Cat dasar perlu diaplikasikan agar cat dinding dapat menutup rata permukaan tanpa menyisakan belang di beberapa tempat. Setiap tahap membutuhkan waktu antara dua-lima hari agar hasil finishing din-ding sempurna.

Proses yang demikian lama dan melelahkan itu, ternyata dapat menjadi singkat dan praktis. Caranya, Anda bisa mensubs-titusi material sehingga dapat menghilang-kan dua tahap pengerjaan, yaitu proses plamir dan pengecatan dasar. Bagaimana caranya?"Dua proses itu bisa dihilangkan jika Anda menggunakan semen aci instan

Aci instan terbuat dari campuran filler, semen putih, kapur, dan zat aditif. Ini menjadikan aci instan dapat merekat erat pada segala permukaan dinding (beton dan plesteran). Daya lentur dan proses pengeringan yang perlahan-lahan menjadikan aci instan sebagai material yang tepat untuk mengurangi retak rambut.

Retak rambut itu bisa terjadi jika proses pengeringan semen berlangsung cepat. Aci instan mengering lebih lama. Dengan demikian, proses muai- susutnya pun lambat, sehingga retak-retak rambut itu berkurang.

Penggunaan aci instan dianjurkan dalam praktik sehari-hari. Meski harga material ini lebih mahal dari semen biasa, tapi sebetulnya bisa hemat. Jika dihitung total biayanya, penggunaan aci instan ini dapat menghemat waktu pengerjaan dan biaya pembangunan.

WASHINGTON — The last three men to win the Republican nomination have been the prosperous son of a president (George W. Bush), a senator who could not recall how many homes his family owned (John McCain of Arizona; it was seven) and a private equity executive worth an estimated $200 million (Mitt Romney).

The candidates hoping to be the party’s nominee in 2016 are trying to create a very different set of associations. On Sunday, Ben Carson, a retired neurosurgeon, joined the presidential field.

Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk, as he urges audiences not to forget “the workers in our hotel kitchens, the landscaping crews in our neighborhoods, the late-night janitorial staff that clean our offices.”

Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, a preacher’s son, posts on Twitter about his ham-and-cheese sandwiches and boasts of his coupon-clipping frugality. His $1 Kohl’s sweater has become a campaign celebrity in its own right.

Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky laments the existence of “two Americas,” borrowing the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s phrase to describe economically and racially troubled communities like Ferguson, Mo., and Detroit.

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Senator Marco Rubio of Florida praises his parents, a bartender and a Kmart stock clerk. Credit Joe Raedle/Getty Images

“Some say, ‘But Democrats care more about the poor,’ ” Mr. Paul likes to say. “If that’s true, why is black unemployment still twice white unemployment? Why has household income declined by $3,500 over the past six years?”

We are in the midst of the Empathy Primary — the rhetorical battleground shaping the Republican presidential field of 2016.

Harmed by the perception that they favor the wealthy at the expense of middle-of-the-road Americans, the party’s contenders are each trying their hardest to get across what the elder George Bush once inelegantly told recession-battered voters in 1992: “Message: I care.”

Their ability to do so — less bluntly, more sincerely — could prove decisive in an election year when power, privilege and family connections will loom large for both parties.

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Questions of understanding and compassion cost Republicans in the last election. Mr. Romney, who memorably dismissed the “47 percent” of Americans as freeloaders, lost to President Obama by 63 percentage points among voters who cast their ballots for the candidate who “cares about people like me,” according to exit polls.

And a Pew poll from February showed that people still believe Republicans are indifferent to working Americans: 54 percent said the Republican Party does not care about the middle class.

That taint of callousness explains why Senator Ted Cruz of Texas declared last week that Republicans “are and should be the party of the 47 percent” — and why another son of a president, Jeb Bush, has made economic opportunity the centerpiece of his message.

With his pedigree and considerable wealth — since he left the Florida governor’s office almost a decade ago he has earned millions of dollars sitting on corporate boards and advising banks — Mr. Bush probably has the most complicated task making the argument to voters that he understands their concerns.

On a visit last week to Puerto Rico, Mr. Bush sounded every bit the populist, railing against “elites” who have stifled economic growth and innovation. In the kind of economy he envisions leading, he said: “We wouldn’t have the middle being squeezed. People in poverty would have a chance to rise up. And the social strains that exist — because the haves and have-nots is the big debate in our country today — would subside.”

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Who Is Running for President (and Who’s Not)?

Republicans’ emphasis on poorer and working-class Americans now represents a shift from the party’s longstanding focus on business owners and “job creators” as the drivers of economic opportunity.

This is intentional, Republican operatives said.

In the last presidential election, Republicans rushed to defend business owners against what they saw as hostility by Democrats to successful, wealthy entrepreneurs.

“Part of what you had was a reaction to the Democrats’ dehumanization of business owners: ‘Oh, you think you started your plumbing company? No you didn’t,’ ” said Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and president of Americans for Tax Reform.

But now, Mr. Norquist said, Republicans should move past that. “Focus on the people in the room who know someone who couldn’t get a job, or a promotion, or a raise because taxes are too high or regulations eat up companies’ time,” he said. “The rich guy can take care of himself.”

Democrats argue that the public will ultimately see through such an approach because Republican positions like opposing a minimum-wage increase and giving private banks a larger role in student loans would hurt working Americans.

“If Republican candidates are just repeating the same tired policies, I’m not sure that smiling while saying it is going to be enough,” said Guy Cecil, a Democratic strategist who is joining a “super PAC” working on behalf of Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Republicans have already attacked Mrs. Clinton over the wealth and power she and her husband have accumulated, caricaturing her as an out-of-touch multimillionaire who earns hundreds of thousands of dollars per speech and has not driven a car since 1996.

Mr. Walker hit this theme recently on Fox News, pointing to Mrs. Clinton’s lucrative book deals and her multiple residences. “This is not someone who is connected with everyday Americans,” he said. His own net worth, according to The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, is less than a half-million dollars; Mr. Walker also owes tens of thousands of dollars on his credit cards.

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But showing off a cheap sweater or boasting of a bootstraps family background not only helps draw a contrast with Mrs. Clinton’s latter-day affluence, it is also an implicit argument against Mr. Bush.

Mr. Walker, who featured a 1998 Saturn with more than 100,000 miles on the odometer in a 2010 campaign ad during his first run for governor, likes to talk about flipping burgers at McDonald’s as a young person. His mother, he has said, grew up on a farm with no indoor plumbing until she was in high school.

Mr. Rubio, among the least wealthy members of the Senate, with an estimated net worth of around a half-million dollars, uses his working-class upbringing as evidence of the “exceptionalism” of America, “where even the son of a bartender and a maid can have the same dreams and the same future as those who come from power and privilege.”

Mr. Cruz alludes to his family’s dysfunction — his parents, he says, were heavy drinkers — and recounts his father’s tale of fleeing Cuba with $100 sewn into his underwear.

Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey notes that his father paid his way through college working nights at an ice cream plant.

But sometimes the attempts at projecting authenticity can seem forced. Mr. Christie recently found himself on the defensive after telling a New Hampshire audience, “I don’t consider myself a wealthy man.” Tax returns showed that he and his wife, a longtime Wall Street executive, earned nearly $700,000 in 2013.

The story of success against the odds is a political classic, even if it is one the Republican Party has not been able to tell for a long time. Ronald Reagan liked to say that while he had not been born on the wrong side of the tracks, he could always hear the whistle. Richard Nixon was fond of reminding voters how he was born in a house his father had built.

“Probably the idea that is most attractive to an average voter, and an idea that both Republicans and Democrats try to craft into their messages, is this idea that you can rise from nothing,” said Charles C. W. Cooke, a writer for National Review.

There is a certain delight Republicans take in turning that message to their advantage now.

“That’s what Obama did with Hillary,” Mr. Cooke said. “He acknowledged it openly: ‘This is ridiculous. Look at me, this one-term senator with dark skin and all of America’s unsolved racial problems, running against the wife of the last Democratic president.”

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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Preet Bharara, the United States attorney in Manhattan, discussed the case involving Dean G. Skelos and his son, Adam. Credit Eduardo Munoz/Reuters

The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

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Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

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